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Dissertation Morphology
and Spoken Word Comprehension: Electrophysiological Investigations of
Internal Compound Structure Dirk
Koester, Ph.D.
(awarded by Leipzig University, Dept. of
Psychology) Download
an electronic copy here (pdf format; 13 MB) or there (No. 47). I
gratefully acknowledge the supervision of Thomas C. Gunter & Angela D. Friederici! |
Summary
The present work investigated
morphosyntactic and lexical-semantic aspects of German compounds in auditory
word comprehension. Previous studies were conducted in the visual modality or else
concentrated exclusively on semantic aspects. The question of whether and how
compound constituents are accessed from the mental lexicon during auditory
comprehension was addressed in five experiments using the method of recording
event-related potentials. In order to see whether compounds are decomposed, the
availability of morphosyntactic gender information of initial and last
constituents was determined whereby the last constituent determines all
(morpho)syntactic features of a compound in German. In a next step, the
processing of linking elements, which are often identical with plural
morphemes, was explored. The relevant question here was whether or not initial
constituents marked with a linking element might be processed as plural forms.
In addition, the comparison of easy vs. difficult to integrate novel compounds,
and semantically transparent vs. opaque compounds provides evidence concerning
the temporal dimension of lexical-semantic integration of compound
constituents.
The first
experiment established the left-anterior negativity (LAN) as a reliable marker
for the decomposition in novel compounds. A LAN was observed in response to
initial and last constituents if they were gender incongruent. A second
experiment replicated this effect for low-frequency transparent and opaque
compounds, and a control experiment suggests that the effects are not due to
the experimental set-up. While these gender effects suggest morphosyntactic
decomposition, an N400 effect of number incongruity could be observed only for
the last constituents. That is, linking elements do not function as plural
morphemes.
In a follow-up
experiment the null effect in response to linking elements was shown to be due
to prosodic cues that differentiate compounds from single nouns. The
lexical-semantic integration of constituents is suggested to begin during the
final constituent, which mostly determines the semantic category of the
compound. Difficult and transparent compounds elicited a negativity with an
N400-like scalp distribution in comparison to easy and opaque compounds,
respectively. It is suggested that prosodic cues are used to initiate the
morphosyntactic decomposition of compounds. However, morphosyntactic
representations are not specified for number by linking elements, and the
lexical-semantic integration begins during the last constituent.

© Dirk Koester (first posted:
22/08/2008; last update 16/03/2009)